A better understanding of Black individuals’ perceptions of extended-release naltrexone for opioid use disorder can inform culturally-sensitive strategies that improve uptake for this medication and medications more generally. The present study used in-depth interviews to gauge beliefs and attitudes of extended-release naltrexone among a sample of Black individuals who use opioids.
l
For the first time since the US opioid overdose epidemic began in the late 1990s Black individuals are dying of opioid overdoses more than White individuals. This disparity may be due to Black individuals accessing opioid use disorder treatment at lower rates. For example, evidence suggests that Black patients are less likely to receive opioid disorder medications in emergency rooms compared to White patients. There is a need to reduce barriers to opioid use disorder treatment among Black individuals, including utilization of alternate opioid use disorder treatments. For example, extended-release naltrexone – an opioid antagonist medication used to treat opioid use disorder – only requires a single administration monthly. Overall, extended release naltrexone is less commonly prescribed than agonists like buprenorphine and methadone. As would be expected, then, far more is known about the experiences and outcomes of Black individuals taking agonist medications (see here for an example). To help inform strategies that might enhance adoption of extended-release naltrexone, it is important to learn how this treatment is perceived among Black individuals, including any comparisons to perceptions of agonist medications. That is, there is a need to better understand the needs of this marginalized group and dispel potential assumptions about them to better serve them. To this end the present study sought to identify the attitudes toward extended-release naltrexone as an opioid use disorder treatment among Black individuals.
Data for the present research were derived from the Florida Minority Health Study– a pilot exploratory study which used mixed methods (a survey and qualitative in-depth interviews). The goal of the parent study was to explore the most used illicit sources of prescription opioids among Black individuals. Participants for the present study were a subsample of 30 individuals from the primary study who agreed to do an interview after completing the survey. Eligible participants for this study: 1) were 18+ years of age; 2) identified as Black (referred to in this study as “African American”); and 3) reported past 90-day opioid use. That is, they reported any use of heroin or illicit fentanyl, and use of a prescription opioid (e.g., oxycodone, hydrocodone) without a prescription/not as prescribed. Participants were recruited in Southwest Florida between August 2021 and February 2022.
Qualitative interviews occurred post-survey completion and were conducted by the study author. During the interview, participants were asked open ended questions about extended-release naltrexone (e.g., “What do you think of the idea of using [extended-release naltrexone] to treat [opioid use disorder]?”, “What are the greatest benefits/risks to using [extended-release naltrexone] to treat [opioid use disorder]?” and “Would you rather be treated using [extended-release naltrexone] or methadone/buprenorphine, and why?”). Interviews were conducted over Microsoft Teams and were audio recorded. Interviews took ~40 minutes to conduct. All participants were compensated for their time via $40 Amazon gift cards.
The audio files of the in-depth interviews were transcribed verbatim. Qualitative data were then analyzed in an iterative manner in accordance with grounded theory. The author first highlighted commonly used words and phrases to identify themes across interview transcripts and develop nascent codes. Following this, frequently occurring codes were used to sort and synthesize the data. Finally, excerpts from study participants were chosen to illustrate each theme. After 30 interviews, the author did not find new topics emerging from the data- multiple participants gave similar responses to interview questions and no new insights could be gleaned from the data. At this point data collection was discontinued.
Participants interviewed for this study mostly identified as female (53.3%). Over half of the sample was above the age of 34 years (53.3%). Most of the sample had a high school education or less (66.6%), was employed (76.6%) and had an annual income of less than $30,000 (76.7%). Most participants interviewed had a history of criminal justice involvement (i.e., arrest; 70.0%). Aside from opioids, participants used a variety of other substances in the past year including alcohol (76.7%), cannabis (66.7%), and cocaine (both crack and powder, 30% and 43.3% respectively).
Black individuals preferred extended-release naltrexone due to monthly versus daily dosing
Participants described finding daily dosing regimens of other medications (e.g., methadone) as “burdensome”. As such, extended-release naltrexone (a monthly injection) was viewed as particularly favorable. Participants were quoted as saying that not having to travel to the methadone clinic for treatment was a “game changer” which would allow them to live a “normal life”.
Black individuals felt safer using extended-release naltrexone than other opioid use disorder treatments because of its non-psychoactive properties
Participants were wary of opioid treatment medications which had potential for misuse (e.g., using more methadone than prescribed). For some there was a perception that using opioid agonist medications like methadone or buprenorphine was tantamount to still having an active addiction. Participants also described social stigma around the use of such medication among their peers (e.g., fellow Narcotics Anonymous attendees) stating how their peers claimed that “you’re not in real recovery if you’re on [methadone]”.
Black individuals perceived extended-release naltrexone as being more effective than other medications
Participants believed that extended-release naltrexone was a more effective treatment for opioid use disorder than other medications. For example, participants thought that people on extended-release naltrexone were less likely to experience relapse than those taking buprenorphine. Such beliefs were possibly due to participants being exposed to extended-release naltrexone through involvement in the criminal-justice system. For instance, some participants mentioned that clinicians in prisons told them that this medication was the best treatment option available.
The results of this study suggest that Black individuals who recently used opioids may prefer extended-release naltrexone to other medications for opioid use disorder. The author found that this preference was due to several features of extended-release naltrexone. First participants preferred the monthly dosing schedule of extended-release naltrexone compared to the daily dosing schedule of other treatments. This less intense scheduling was perceived by participants as liberating. Second, participants found the non-psychoactive properties of extended-release naltrexone appealing. This was due to perceptions within the recovery community of opioid agonist medication usage being “in violation” of recovery. For example, utilizing the opioid agonist methadone may not be consistent with a “clean and sober” recovery status encouraged by the 12-step mutual-help group Narcotics Anonymous. Finally, participants believed extended-release naltrexone was a better treatment option for opioid use disorder than other medications. For example, one participant described extended-release naltrexone as being “the best” treatment.
These results suggest that extended-release naltrexone may be an acceptable approach to opioid treatment among Black individuals and may be preferred over buprenorphine or methadone. This is especially important given that Black individuals are dying of opioid overdoses more than White Americans– there is a need to use all tools available to treat opioid addiction and prevent future deaths. Their preference for a medication that can be taken monthly (e.g., via injection) suggests they may have similar views toward monthly injectable buprenorphine (which also does not require daily dosing), but this was not asked about specifically. Further, this work helps shed light on potential reasons for disparities in opioid use treatment utilization among Black patients. Namely such disparities are likely not due solely to medical mistrust, including concerns about agonist medications like methadone and buprenorphine having the potential for misuse. This research is also extremely important as it helps bring attention to Black individuals’ health perceptions and needs, which historically have received far less attention than those of their White peers.
Caution must be taken when considering the current study’s findings. Participants opioid treatment histories were not included in the study. This context is important as it is unclear how many of the participants have experience taking extended-release naltrexone or any opioid use disorder medications. Those who were treatment naïve may have very different perceptions about extended-release naltrexone than those who have had direct or indirect experience with this medication. Furthermore, in light of one theme regarding positive perceptions of extended release naltrexone resulting from exposure to the medication in prison, it is unclear how many participants received treatment in prison (e.g., how many had been incarcerated). This could have implications for potential barriers to care and how to best increase uptake of extended-release naltrexone.
Also, though the research addresses a critical public health issue, the present results were derived from a pilot study with notable limitations (see below). As such, the findings may not be generalizable to the entire population. In addition, the study does not investigate potential barriers to extended-release naltrexone access. For example, the need for a minimum of 7 days of opioid abstinence prior to initiation of extended-release naltrexone may be a barrier to starting the medication, particularly among those with more severe opioid use disorder. This is also important as patients’ perceptions of this medication are of limited value in addressing treatment disparities if access is limited. For instance, insufficient health insurance coverage constitutes a significant obstacle to opioid use disorder treatment. The present research offers valuable insights into treatment perceptions among the Black community, but more research is needed to find solutions on how to address opioid use disorder related health disparities.
Results of this study suggests that Black individuals believe that extended-release naltrexone is an appealing treatment for opioid use disorder. Qualitative analyses suggested that this preference was due to extended-release naltrexone: 1) having a monthly vs. daily dosing schedule; 2) being non-psychoactive; and 3) participants believing it had superior efficacy to other treatment options. However, it is important to acknowledge the study limitations including the sample’s unknown treatment experience. Nevertheless, this study of perceptions of opioid use disorder medications by the Black community highlights an important public health issue. It is critical to determine what barriers to opioid use disorder treatment may be impacting this population to address disparities in opioid overdose morbidity and mortality.
Rigg, K. K. (2024). Attitudes toward extended-release naltrexone treatment for opioid use disorder among Black individuals. Drug and alcohol dependence, 257. doi.: 10.1016/j.drugalcdep.2024.111260
l
For the first time since the US opioid overdose epidemic began in the late 1990s Black individuals are dying of opioid overdoses more than White individuals. This disparity may be due to Black individuals accessing opioid use disorder treatment at lower rates. For example, evidence suggests that Black patients are less likely to receive opioid disorder medications in emergency rooms compared to White patients. There is a need to reduce barriers to opioid use disorder treatment among Black individuals, including utilization of alternate opioid use disorder treatments. For example, extended-release naltrexone – an opioid antagonist medication used to treat opioid use disorder – only requires a single administration monthly. Overall, extended release naltrexone is less commonly prescribed than agonists like buprenorphine and methadone. As would be expected, then, far more is known about the experiences and outcomes of Black individuals taking agonist medications (see here for an example). To help inform strategies that might enhance adoption of extended-release naltrexone, it is important to learn how this treatment is perceived among Black individuals, including any comparisons to perceptions of agonist medications. That is, there is a need to better understand the needs of this marginalized group and dispel potential assumptions about them to better serve them. To this end the present study sought to identify the attitudes toward extended-release naltrexone as an opioid use disorder treatment among Black individuals.
Data for the present research were derived from the Florida Minority Health Study– a pilot exploratory study which used mixed methods (a survey and qualitative in-depth interviews). The goal of the parent study was to explore the most used illicit sources of prescription opioids among Black individuals. Participants for the present study were a subsample of 30 individuals from the primary study who agreed to do an interview after completing the survey. Eligible participants for this study: 1) were 18+ years of age; 2) identified as Black (referred to in this study as “African American”); and 3) reported past 90-day opioid use. That is, they reported any use of heroin or illicit fentanyl, and use of a prescription opioid (e.g., oxycodone, hydrocodone) without a prescription/not as prescribed. Participants were recruited in Southwest Florida between August 2021 and February 2022.
Qualitative interviews occurred post-survey completion and were conducted by the study author. During the interview, participants were asked open ended questions about extended-release naltrexone (e.g., “What do you think of the idea of using [extended-release naltrexone] to treat [opioid use disorder]?”, “What are the greatest benefits/risks to using [extended-release naltrexone] to treat [opioid use disorder]?” and “Would you rather be treated using [extended-release naltrexone] or methadone/buprenorphine, and why?”). Interviews were conducted over Microsoft Teams and were audio recorded. Interviews took ~40 minutes to conduct. All participants were compensated for their time via $40 Amazon gift cards.
The audio files of the in-depth interviews were transcribed verbatim. Qualitative data were then analyzed in an iterative manner in accordance with grounded theory. The author first highlighted commonly used words and phrases to identify themes across interview transcripts and develop nascent codes. Following this, frequently occurring codes were used to sort and synthesize the data. Finally, excerpts from study participants were chosen to illustrate each theme. After 30 interviews, the author did not find new topics emerging from the data- multiple participants gave similar responses to interview questions and no new insights could be gleaned from the data. At this point data collection was discontinued.
Participants interviewed for this study mostly identified as female (53.3%). Over half of the sample was above the age of 34 years (53.3%). Most of the sample had a high school education or less (66.6%), was employed (76.6%) and had an annual income of less than $30,000 (76.7%). Most participants interviewed had a history of criminal justice involvement (i.e., arrest; 70.0%). Aside from opioids, participants used a variety of other substances in the past year including alcohol (76.7%), cannabis (66.7%), and cocaine (both crack and powder, 30% and 43.3% respectively).
Black individuals preferred extended-release naltrexone due to monthly versus daily dosing
Participants described finding daily dosing regimens of other medications (e.g., methadone) as “burdensome”. As such, extended-release naltrexone (a monthly injection) was viewed as particularly favorable. Participants were quoted as saying that not having to travel to the methadone clinic for treatment was a “game changer” which would allow them to live a “normal life”.
Black individuals felt safer using extended-release naltrexone than other opioid use disorder treatments because of its non-psychoactive properties
Participants were wary of opioid treatment medications which had potential for misuse (e.g., using more methadone than prescribed). For some there was a perception that using opioid agonist medications like methadone or buprenorphine was tantamount to still having an active addiction. Participants also described social stigma around the use of such medication among their peers (e.g., fellow Narcotics Anonymous attendees) stating how their peers claimed that “you’re not in real recovery if you’re on [methadone]”.
Black individuals perceived extended-release naltrexone as being more effective than other medications
Participants believed that extended-release naltrexone was a more effective treatment for opioid use disorder than other medications. For example, participants thought that people on extended-release naltrexone were less likely to experience relapse than those taking buprenorphine. Such beliefs were possibly due to participants being exposed to extended-release naltrexone through involvement in the criminal-justice system. For instance, some participants mentioned that clinicians in prisons told them that this medication was the best treatment option available.
The results of this study suggest that Black individuals who recently used opioids may prefer extended-release naltrexone to other medications for opioid use disorder. The author found that this preference was due to several features of extended-release naltrexone. First participants preferred the monthly dosing schedule of extended-release naltrexone compared to the daily dosing schedule of other treatments. This less intense scheduling was perceived by participants as liberating. Second, participants found the non-psychoactive properties of extended-release naltrexone appealing. This was due to perceptions within the recovery community of opioid agonist medication usage being “in violation” of recovery. For example, utilizing the opioid agonist methadone may not be consistent with a “clean and sober” recovery status encouraged by the 12-step mutual-help group Narcotics Anonymous. Finally, participants believed extended-release naltrexone was a better treatment option for opioid use disorder than other medications. For example, one participant described extended-release naltrexone as being “the best” treatment.
These results suggest that extended-release naltrexone may be an acceptable approach to opioid treatment among Black individuals and may be preferred over buprenorphine or methadone. This is especially important given that Black individuals are dying of opioid overdoses more than White Americans– there is a need to use all tools available to treat opioid addiction and prevent future deaths. Their preference for a medication that can be taken monthly (e.g., via injection) suggests they may have similar views toward monthly injectable buprenorphine (which also does not require daily dosing), but this was not asked about specifically. Further, this work helps shed light on potential reasons for disparities in opioid use treatment utilization among Black patients. Namely such disparities are likely not due solely to medical mistrust, including concerns about agonist medications like methadone and buprenorphine having the potential for misuse. This research is also extremely important as it helps bring attention to Black individuals’ health perceptions and needs, which historically have received far less attention than those of their White peers.
Caution must be taken when considering the current study’s findings. Participants opioid treatment histories were not included in the study. This context is important as it is unclear how many of the participants have experience taking extended-release naltrexone or any opioid use disorder medications. Those who were treatment naïve may have very different perceptions about extended-release naltrexone than those who have had direct or indirect experience with this medication. Furthermore, in light of one theme regarding positive perceptions of extended release naltrexone resulting from exposure to the medication in prison, it is unclear how many participants received treatment in prison (e.g., how many had been incarcerated). This could have implications for potential barriers to care and how to best increase uptake of extended-release naltrexone.
Also, though the research addresses a critical public health issue, the present results were derived from a pilot study with notable limitations (see below). As such, the findings may not be generalizable to the entire population. In addition, the study does not investigate potential barriers to extended-release naltrexone access. For example, the need for a minimum of 7 days of opioid abstinence prior to initiation of extended-release naltrexone may be a barrier to starting the medication, particularly among those with more severe opioid use disorder. This is also important as patients’ perceptions of this medication are of limited value in addressing treatment disparities if access is limited. For instance, insufficient health insurance coverage constitutes a significant obstacle to opioid use disorder treatment. The present research offers valuable insights into treatment perceptions among the Black community, but more research is needed to find solutions on how to address opioid use disorder related health disparities.
Results of this study suggests that Black individuals believe that extended-release naltrexone is an appealing treatment for opioid use disorder. Qualitative analyses suggested that this preference was due to extended-release naltrexone: 1) having a monthly vs. daily dosing schedule; 2) being non-psychoactive; and 3) participants believing it had superior efficacy to other treatment options. However, it is important to acknowledge the study limitations including the sample’s unknown treatment experience. Nevertheless, this study of perceptions of opioid use disorder medications by the Black community highlights an important public health issue. It is critical to determine what barriers to opioid use disorder treatment may be impacting this population to address disparities in opioid overdose morbidity and mortality.
Rigg, K. K. (2024). Attitudes toward extended-release naltrexone treatment for opioid use disorder among Black individuals. Drug and alcohol dependence, 257. doi.: 10.1016/j.drugalcdep.2024.111260
l
For the first time since the US opioid overdose epidemic began in the late 1990s Black individuals are dying of opioid overdoses more than White individuals. This disparity may be due to Black individuals accessing opioid use disorder treatment at lower rates. For example, evidence suggests that Black patients are less likely to receive opioid disorder medications in emergency rooms compared to White patients. There is a need to reduce barriers to opioid use disorder treatment among Black individuals, including utilization of alternate opioid use disorder treatments. For example, extended-release naltrexone – an opioid antagonist medication used to treat opioid use disorder – only requires a single administration monthly. Overall, extended release naltrexone is less commonly prescribed than agonists like buprenorphine and methadone. As would be expected, then, far more is known about the experiences and outcomes of Black individuals taking agonist medications (see here for an example). To help inform strategies that might enhance adoption of extended-release naltrexone, it is important to learn how this treatment is perceived among Black individuals, including any comparisons to perceptions of agonist medications. That is, there is a need to better understand the needs of this marginalized group and dispel potential assumptions about them to better serve them. To this end the present study sought to identify the attitudes toward extended-release naltrexone as an opioid use disorder treatment among Black individuals.
Data for the present research were derived from the Florida Minority Health Study– a pilot exploratory study which used mixed methods (a survey and qualitative in-depth interviews). The goal of the parent study was to explore the most used illicit sources of prescription opioids among Black individuals. Participants for the present study were a subsample of 30 individuals from the primary study who agreed to do an interview after completing the survey. Eligible participants for this study: 1) were 18+ years of age; 2) identified as Black (referred to in this study as “African American”); and 3) reported past 90-day opioid use. That is, they reported any use of heroin or illicit fentanyl, and use of a prescription opioid (e.g., oxycodone, hydrocodone) without a prescription/not as prescribed. Participants were recruited in Southwest Florida between August 2021 and February 2022.
Qualitative interviews occurred post-survey completion and were conducted by the study author. During the interview, participants were asked open ended questions about extended-release naltrexone (e.g., “What do you think of the idea of using [extended-release naltrexone] to treat [opioid use disorder]?”, “What are the greatest benefits/risks to using [extended-release naltrexone] to treat [opioid use disorder]?” and “Would you rather be treated using [extended-release naltrexone] or methadone/buprenorphine, and why?”). Interviews were conducted over Microsoft Teams and were audio recorded. Interviews took ~40 minutes to conduct. All participants were compensated for their time via $40 Amazon gift cards.
The audio files of the in-depth interviews were transcribed verbatim. Qualitative data were then analyzed in an iterative manner in accordance with grounded theory. The author first highlighted commonly used words and phrases to identify themes across interview transcripts and develop nascent codes. Following this, frequently occurring codes were used to sort and synthesize the data. Finally, excerpts from study participants were chosen to illustrate each theme. After 30 interviews, the author did not find new topics emerging from the data- multiple participants gave similar responses to interview questions and no new insights could be gleaned from the data. At this point data collection was discontinued.
Participants interviewed for this study mostly identified as female (53.3%). Over half of the sample was above the age of 34 years (53.3%). Most of the sample had a high school education or less (66.6%), was employed (76.6%) and had an annual income of less than $30,000 (76.7%). Most participants interviewed had a history of criminal justice involvement (i.e., arrest; 70.0%). Aside from opioids, participants used a variety of other substances in the past year including alcohol (76.7%), cannabis (66.7%), and cocaine (both crack and powder, 30% and 43.3% respectively).
Black individuals preferred extended-release naltrexone due to monthly versus daily dosing
Participants described finding daily dosing regimens of other medications (e.g., methadone) as “burdensome”. As such, extended-release naltrexone (a monthly injection) was viewed as particularly favorable. Participants were quoted as saying that not having to travel to the methadone clinic for treatment was a “game changer” which would allow them to live a “normal life”.
Black individuals felt safer using extended-release naltrexone than other opioid use disorder treatments because of its non-psychoactive properties
Participants were wary of opioid treatment medications which had potential for misuse (e.g., using more methadone than prescribed). For some there was a perception that using opioid agonist medications like methadone or buprenorphine was tantamount to still having an active addiction. Participants also described social stigma around the use of such medication among their peers (e.g., fellow Narcotics Anonymous attendees) stating how their peers claimed that “you’re not in real recovery if you’re on [methadone]”.
Black individuals perceived extended-release naltrexone as being more effective than other medications
Participants believed that extended-release naltrexone was a more effective treatment for opioid use disorder than other medications. For example, participants thought that people on extended-release naltrexone were less likely to experience relapse than those taking buprenorphine. Such beliefs were possibly due to participants being exposed to extended-release naltrexone through involvement in the criminal-justice system. For instance, some participants mentioned that clinicians in prisons told them that this medication was the best treatment option available.
The results of this study suggest that Black individuals who recently used opioids may prefer extended-release naltrexone to other medications for opioid use disorder. The author found that this preference was due to several features of extended-release naltrexone. First participants preferred the monthly dosing schedule of extended-release naltrexone compared to the daily dosing schedule of other treatments. This less intense scheduling was perceived by participants as liberating. Second, participants found the non-psychoactive properties of extended-release naltrexone appealing. This was due to perceptions within the recovery community of opioid agonist medication usage being “in violation” of recovery. For example, utilizing the opioid agonist methadone may not be consistent with a “clean and sober” recovery status encouraged by the 12-step mutual-help group Narcotics Anonymous. Finally, participants believed extended-release naltrexone was a better treatment option for opioid use disorder than other medications. For example, one participant described extended-release naltrexone as being “the best” treatment.
These results suggest that extended-release naltrexone may be an acceptable approach to opioid treatment among Black individuals and may be preferred over buprenorphine or methadone. This is especially important given that Black individuals are dying of opioid overdoses more than White Americans– there is a need to use all tools available to treat opioid addiction and prevent future deaths. Their preference for a medication that can be taken monthly (e.g., via injection) suggests they may have similar views toward monthly injectable buprenorphine (which also does not require daily dosing), but this was not asked about specifically. Further, this work helps shed light on potential reasons for disparities in opioid use treatment utilization among Black patients. Namely such disparities are likely not due solely to medical mistrust, including concerns about agonist medications like methadone and buprenorphine having the potential for misuse. This research is also extremely important as it helps bring attention to Black individuals’ health perceptions and needs, which historically have received far less attention than those of their White peers.
Caution must be taken when considering the current study’s findings. Participants opioid treatment histories were not included in the study. This context is important as it is unclear how many of the participants have experience taking extended-release naltrexone or any opioid use disorder medications. Those who were treatment naïve may have very different perceptions about extended-release naltrexone than those who have had direct or indirect experience with this medication. Furthermore, in light of one theme regarding positive perceptions of extended release naltrexone resulting from exposure to the medication in prison, it is unclear how many participants received treatment in prison (e.g., how many had been incarcerated). This could have implications for potential barriers to care and how to best increase uptake of extended-release naltrexone.
Also, though the research addresses a critical public health issue, the present results were derived from a pilot study with notable limitations (see below). As such, the findings may not be generalizable to the entire population. In addition, the study does not investigate potential barriers to extended-release naltrexone access. For example, the need for a minimum of 7 days of opioid abstinence prior to initiation of extended-release naltrexone may be a barrier to starting the medication, particularly among those with more severe opioid use disorder. This is also important as patients’ perceptions of this medication are of limited value in addressing treatment disparities if access is limited. For instance, insufficient health insurance coverage constitutes a significant obstacle to opioid use disorder treatment. The present research offers valuable insights into treatment perceptions among the Black community, but more research is needed to find solutions on how to address opioid use disorder related health disparities.
Results of this study suggests that Black individuals believe that extended-release naltrexone is an appealing treatment for opioid use disorder. Qualitative analyses suggested that this preference was due to extended-release naltrexone: 1) having a monthly vs. daily dosing schedule; 2) being non-psychoactive; and 3) participants believing it had superior efficacy to other treatment options. However, it is important to acknowledge the study limitations including the sample’s unknown treatment experience. Nevertheless, this study of perceptions of opioid use disorder medications by the Black community highlights an important public health issue. It is critical to determine what barriers to opioid use disorder treatment may be impacting this population to address disparities in opioid overdose morbidity and mortality.
Rigg, K. K. (2024). Attitudes toward extended-release naltrexone treatment for opioid use disorder among Black individuals. Drug and alcohol dependence, 257. doi.: 10.1016/j.drugalcdep.2024.111260
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